When campuses become the last bulwark of democracy, will the government stand idly by?
Jokowi’s drama alleged intervention in the 2024 elections in Indonesia draws out the tensions of the nepotism democracy conflict. First, the alleged intervention in the amendment of Article 169 letter q of Law No. 7/2017 on the minimum age limit of vice-presidential candidates, which states that “he/she is at least 40 (forty) years old or has/is currently holding an office elected through general elections including regional head elections”. With this change, the president’s son, Gibran Rakabumi, as mayor of Solo, can become the vice-presidential candidate of presidential candidate no. 2 Prabowo Subianto. In addition, this decision was facilitated by the position of the chairman of Indonesia’s constitutional court and Jokowi’s brother-in-law. Allegations of political oligarchy have surfaced and become an essential discussion in Indonesian politics.
Second, President Jokowi’s statement that the president may campaign and take sides in a press conference at Bogor Palace on January 26, 2024. The president argued that this was stipulated in Law Number 7 of 2017 Article 299. Of course, Jokowi’s statement added to the 2024 election intervention polemic drama. According to an expert in constitutional law at the Indonesian College of Law, Jantera Bivitri argued that the statement led to misleading information. This is because Article 299 has three paragraphs that must be linked following the norms of grouping and structuring the order. Then, there are additional conditions that should be underscored in the article, which are being a presidential or vice-presidential candidate, being a campaign team that has been registered with the General Election Commission (KPU), and campaign executors who have been registered with the KPU. she also noted that the relationship between the president and candidate number 2 is not electoral but a family relationship, where there is no single law that accommodates the relationship. Next, the parties that support Jokowi and candidate number 2 are also different. So, Jokowi cannot fulfill these conditions. From this second point, it can be concluded that Jokowi has played with the state constitution by cutting the contents of the constitution as a tool to spread malinformation in the 2024 election event.
These two factors have sparked the concerns of the Indonesian people, especially academics, to demand fair and transparent elections. Some of these universities were initiated by Universitas Gadjah Mada (UGM) on January 31, 2024, followed by several other universities such as Universitas Islam Indonesia (UII), Universitas Indonesia (UI), Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta (UMY), and Universitas Padjadjaran (UNPAD). This petition wave to the Jokowi administration is also likely to continue to be delivered by several other universities in Indonesia such as Hasanudin University (Unhas), Andalas University (Unad), and possibly followed by other universities. However, will the government be able to hear “the cries” of Indonesian academics about their concerns about the 2024 election conditions? And will this wave of statements bring change to the constituency of Indonesian democracy this year?
Here are some crucial points of the petitions submitted by Indonesian academics at the beginning of this year. First, the Bulaksumur petition from UGM criticized President Jokowi and considered the president to have committed deviant actions in the governance process. In the reading of the petition, led by UGM psychology professor Prof. Drs. Koentjoro, it was also emphasized that Jokowi must uphold the identity of the university that adheres to the values of Pancasila to strengthen democracy by high morals in the formation of a legitimate government for the sake of the lofty ideals contained in the preamble of the 1945 law. In addition, it was also emphasized that as an alumnus of UGM, Jokowi must remember his promise as an alumnus to fulfill his dharma bhakti to the motherland.
Second, the UII petition also highlights the practice of abuse of authority and power for the practical political interests of a group of groups using state resources and the decline of Indonesian democracy. Then, this petition urges the president to be neutral, stop abusing power, and encourage the resignation of the positions of government stakeholders at the ministerial or regional level to avoid conflicts of interest that harm the nation and state.
Third, the petition “Drum UI beats back” from UI echoes that the elections run honestly and fairly without intimidation, fear, and coercion to win one of the presidential candidates. This petition also emphasizes the corrupt practices carried out by political and legal officials and elites that are increasingly peaking ahead of the election year. Not to forget, this petition also highlights the government’s greed that has led to the extinction of Indonesia’s natural resources. Again, this petition encourages all elements of society to maintain democracy and the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI).
Fourth, UMY submitted a petition “Guarding Civilized Indonesian Democracy” by highlighting that the Indonesian president carries out his constitutional obligations for honest and fair elections. The use of state facilities and deviant authority is a serious violation of the Constitution. Demand the neutrality and independence of bureaucratic institutions, the law for the implementation of honest and fair elections. Urging an end to the practice of money politics and abuse of power in elections. Prioritizing the politics of ideas and political education that educates the people and calling on the people to oversee the elections.
Fifth, “Padjajaran’s call, save the State of Law that is democratic, ethical and dignified” from UNPAD demands the implementation of ethics and legal norms based on Pancasial and the 1945 Constitution. Emphasizing that the president and the political elite should exemplify law and ethics and invite the public to monitor the elections. As well as urging legal suppression of cases of election violations in 2024 to restore democracy with integrity, fairness, transparency, and public trust.
From these petitions, it can be underlined that the ethics and norms violation of democratic law in elections carried out by the Jokowi government is the main point that triggers the unrest of the academic community. The next point to be highlighted is the call for all elements of society to oversee the election process, which is only 6 days away.
So what is the impact of those petitions? The potential impact of votes from Indonesian universities may be to raise public awareness of significant interference from the Jokowi administration in the 2024 election. In other words, it confirms to the public that Indonesia is currently in a democratic emergency. Political conflicts of interest in the election were not sparked by the polarization of candidate supporters at the grassroots level as in 2014. However, this electoral conflict comes from state government actors who use state resources for the benefit of their power. This includes intervening in the law and using one particular verse to spread malinformation to the public to campaign for his family.
In addition, this wave of petitions implies the need for massive collective action not only from academics but also from all Indonesian citizens, both bureaucrats and grassroots levels. Bureaucrats may be able to be neutral, independent, and bureaucratic and legal institutions to be transparent and fair for the implementation of peaceful elections. Furthermore, the ethics of high self-integrity is needed from officials who participate as a successful team or presidential candidate either at the ministerial or regional level to resign and to avoid conflicts of interest that harm the nation and state. Then as a civil society, we can participate in maintaining democracy and the Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia (NKRI) by not accepting money politics and participating in overseeing the election process which will be held on February 14, 2024. Moreover, to avoid political polarization, the community needs to increase political literacy and fact-checking info independently.
Then, with the increasingly massive wave of campus petitions, it may also encourage the government to carry out election reforms that are honest, fair, and transparent. If the government remains silent, university actors may use their capacity and resources to mobilize the masses to carry out democratic actions, file lawsuits, and boycott elections. So, given this possibility, will the government remain silent and continue to pursue its political interests?
However, one thing that needs to be considered is the possibility of post-election conflict. As Philips J. Vermonte, Dean of the International Islamic University of Indonesia, predicts, “Whoever wins in the first round will definitely sue the constitutional court.” With this in mind, it is also important for the government to underline how to use the momentum of this petition wave to minimize post-election conflicts as well or leave Indonesia in the throes of more heartbreaking election conflicts.
